The Education of R. A. Torrey

"The Education of R. A. Torrey" is a paper presented by Dr. Kermit Staggers at the 2003 academic conference The Legacy of R. A. Torrey. It is reproduced here with permission and cannot be edited.

During the fall of 1871 a very young and impressionable Reuben A. Torrey arrived on the campus of Yale College as a freshman to begin a successful student academic career that would lay the foundation for his future work in Christian ministry. The previous year he had experienced a severe disappointment when he had failed to win admission to the college because he was too young--fourteen years of age. Torrey followed the college's advise and waited until he celebrated his fifteenth birthday before going to Yale.(1)

Born on January 28, 1856 into an upper middle-class family in Hoboken, New Jersey (part of metropolitan New York City), Reuben Archer Torrey grew up as the third of five children in an environment of privilege and comfort where education was greatly prized. During the Civil War his father earned the family a small fortune by manufacturing boxes needed by the Union in the war effort to defeat the Confederacy. After the Civil War, his father retired from the business and moved the family to a 200-acre estate overlooking Lake Seneca near Geneva, New York.(2) Occasionally, the young Torrey helped his father train the race horses raised on the estate, and he swam in Lake Seneca. However, most of his time and energy centered on his studies at the exclusive Walnut Hill School in Geneva, a school sponsored by the Episcopal Church.

Torrey excelled in academics at Walnut Hill because of his hard work and love of reading. At the young age of thirteen while reading a religious work, he reflected on the weighty question as to what it meant to be a Christian. He concluded that for himself it meant becoming a minister, a belief that collided with his youthful ambition to become a lawyer.(3) Though an excellent student, nobody at the Walnut Hill School could have accepted the notion that he would ever become a successful courtroom lawyer, let alone a minister, because of his shy demeanor in the classroom and among strangers. It was absolute torture for him to recite a lesson in front of his fellow classmates, and whenever a stranger spoke to him, his face would immediately turn red.(4) Despite his extreme shyness, when Torrey stepped on the campus of Yale College as a freshman, he was more determined than ever to become a lawyer.

Undoubtedly, the senior Torrey had a great deal of pride in his young son's decision to enter Yale with the goal of becoming a lawyer, a goal that would most certainly result in his son achieving great material success. Less interested in earthly success, and more concerned about her son's spiritual well being, Torrey's mother wanted her son serving in Christian ministry. In fact, shortly after Torrey's birth, she had dedicated him to the service of God,(5) and then had proceeded to raise him in a traditional Christian environment in which praying in the home and attending a local Congregational church every Sunday were ways of life. Her influence on Torrey even extended to his dreamworld. In one dream Torrey saw his mother floating into a window as an angel at their Geneva home and standing by his bed and begging him to become a preacher. He said "yes," and at that instant he awakened from his sleep. Despite the dream, Torrey decided against becoming a minister, but in later years he admitted that the dream haunted him for a long time.(6) Despite the conflicting parental aspirations for their young son, the selection of Yale could not have been a better choice for Torrey and his parents. For the father, Yale provided an excellent opportunity for his son to obtain a good education and begin a successful career; as for the mother, she had the satisfaction of knowing that Yale still considered itself a Christian institution of higher learning.

The very same year that Torrey entered Yale the Reverend Noah Porter assumed the presidency of the college. Not theologically liberal, Porter's views of Christianity, like those of the college in general, were broadly evangelical, with a wide tolerance being extended to those who held different ideas.(7) However, toleration had clearly defined limits when it came to chapel attendance. All students, no matter what religion they professed, were required to attend chapel.

While the religious dimension set the tone for education at Yale, the heart of the educational process at the college centered on the liberal arts program. President Porter typified the views of many educators of the time in his opinion that a college education had a higher purpose than merely preparing a student for a job in the world.(8) The essence of higher education as embodied in a liberal arts program was to educate students to embrace all knowledge, not

just a sliver of it.(9) Because of his commitment to a liberal education, Porter strongly objected to the trends in education which stressed specialization, particularly in the field of science.(10)

Torrey's first two years of education at Yale emphasized what was then a traditional college education based on the classics rather than an education based on knowledge of the modern world. As a freshman, he studied Homer, Herodotus, Livy, Horace, algebra, geometry, and beginning trigonometry. During his first and second years Torrey also took courses in Greek, Latin, and mathematics.(11) In part, President Porter justified this type of education by declaring that ". . . 'no kind of intellectual athletics was more useful . . . than the reflective analysis of classic sentences.'"(12)

After two years of a grueling schedule in the classics, the last two years of Torrey's education at Yale dealt with modern-day developments in the natural sciences, philosophy, and social studies. By his senior year the broadening process had reached such a point that no less than eighteen subjects were required.(13) Mandatory senior courses included astronomy or German, chemistry, geology, anatomy, physiology, linguistics, American constitutional law, history, political and social sciences. While the proliferation of courses in the senior year appears to be formidable, many of the courses lasted only a few weeks, with much of the information presented in classes being of necessity superficial.(14)

Additional senior courses in philosophy and theology taught by President Porter were also required for graduation. Following the tradition of nineteenth-century college presidents, Porter attempted to provide Yale students the full range of current knowledge as the capstone of a liberal education by way of his senior courses in mental philosophy, moral philosophy, history of philosophy, natural theology, and evidences of Christianity.(15) Noticeably absent in these courses were any references to the ongoing debate over Charles Darwin's theory of evolution within the academic communities of England and America.

In a book authored by Porter entitled Books and Reading; or, What Books Shall I Read and How Shall I Read Them?, Darwin's name is only mentioned in passing when Porter writes that the information on vegetable physiology in Darwin's Origins of the Species is authoritative.(16) No where in his book does Porter refer to the raging controversy over Darwin's pronouncement in his 1871 book The Descent of Man that human beings evolved from lower animals. Either Porter did not view evolution as an important concept to bring up, or he did not want to give the theory any credence.

Nevertheless, in the world outside of President Porter's Yale the forces of intellectual change moved steadily forward in the direction of altering the way humanity looked at the universe. Instead of looking at the world in the traditional way, as a static entity with little change, the new Darwinian science and its theory of evolution postulated a dynamic view of the world, a world in an unremitting state of change and development. These new insights were not the exclusive preserve of Darwinian science, but "spilled over" into other academic disciplines. Philosophers and theologians began to raise disturbing questions as to whether human beings could be certain of their knowledge, whether truth was absolute or relative, and whether Christianity contained absolute truth.

One prominent Yale scientist and one of Torrey's favorite professors, James Dwight Dana, recognized the challenge posed to Christianity by Darwinian science. In his classes, Dana lectured from an explicitly Christian perspective on what he considered to be the many errors in evolutionary theory. He pointed out that Darwin had failed in his mission (implied by the title of his 1859 book) to explain the origin of the species.(17) A second and more serious charge that Dana leveled against Darwin's theory was the appalling lack of geological data to support the theory. Because of this lack of evidence, Dana felt free to formulate his own theory of the origin of the species.

Dana put forward a catastrophic theory that allowed for a sudden change to occur within a species without the need for centuries and centuries of evolutionary development. The anti-developmental nature of Dana's theory harmonized well with his religious belief in God as a creator actively intervening in the history of the world, a creator who had directly and suddenly created man. The religious implications of the theory that appealed to Dana were totally unacceptable to Darwin, who rejected the catastrophic theory in favor of the view that over eons of time human beings had evolved from lower forms of life.(18)

Torrey readily accepted his teacher's catastrophic theory of creation as a position in harmony with his own Christian belief system. Notwithstanding the influence of his religious convictions, he genuinely believed that the catastrophic theory was more established in the methodology of science than evolutionary theory. Reflecting the views of his teacher, Torrey believed that evolution had too much theory and not enough facts to support itself. He even went so far as to declare the theory of evolution unscientific.

Calling the theory of evolution unscientific reveals a radically different perspective on science that contrasts sharply with the views held by Charles Darwin and his many supporters. For Darwin, the scientific methodology of evolutionary theory, or Darwinian science, relied heavily upon theory, hypotheses, and the deductive method of reasoning. In opposition to this theoretical approach was the strictly empirical science of Francis Bacon that influenced the science program at Yale and most college programs in America during the nineteenth century. In the science classes of Professor Dana, Torrey learned and accepted Baconian science as the only true science.

In his seventeenth-century writings, the English statesman and philosopher Francis Bacon stressed observation as opposed to hypotheses, imagination, and even reason itself. This strong empirical basis of Baconian science is evident in "the first aphorism of Bacon's Novum Organon: 'man, as the servant and interpreter of nature, is limited in act and understanding by his observation of the order of nature; and neither his knowledge nor his power extends further.'"(19) Very simply, Baconian science stressed the gathering of facts and the classifying of information through the inductive method. Bacon's severe limitation on scientific methodology can be explained in part by his reaction against medieval scholasticism which, by emphasizing the deductive method, had produced many questionable theories and little scientific observation. With Baconian induction, facts gained an absolute dominion at the expense of man's imaginative intellect.(20)

An extreme example of Baconian science in action are the assertions of Thomas A. Davies, a nineteenth-century New York City engineer. He declared that after a geologist finds fossils that have a strong resemblance to living plants and animals, the theorist takes up the facts of fossils and places blood, fiber, bones, and life into the stones. To declare that the fossils were the remains of once-living animals was pure hypothesis, he concluded.(21)

Reenforcing Torrey's lifelong commitment to Baconian science as the only true science was his acceptance of Scottish Common Sense philosophy, as taught by President Porter in his classes to Yale seniors. The importance of Common Sense philosophy in Torrey's way of thinking is that it justifies the empiricism of Baconian science by providing philosophical arguments demonstrating that the senses could indeed be trusted-absolute truths could be known.

Common Sense Philosophy originated in Scotland during the eighteenth century as a reaction to the skepticism of the Scottish philosopher and historian David Hume.(22) Hume's skepticism originated in his acceptance of John Locke's theoretical framework of the mind. Locke had postulated that sense information about objects was formed into ideas that were known by the mind. Humean doubt questioned whether the ideas serving in an intermediary role between the object and mind accurately represented the object to the mind. Could the mind know the true world?

The founder of Common Sense philosophy was the eighteenth-century Scotsman Thomas Reid, a minister turned college professor, who believed that skepticism destroyed the science of the philosopher and undermined the Christian faith.(23) He recognized that to counter Hume's arguments effectively he would have to discredit part of Locke's theory of knowledge. Playing the role of a skeptic, Reid denied the Lockean premise that ideas intervened between the object and the mind. (24) By creating a world of mind and matter minus ideas, Reid had attacked the basis of Hume's skepticism.

The denial of ideas could have led to greater skepticism by denying that the mind could accurately perceive the world; however, Reid was not about to move in that direction. He declared that the mind could accurately perceive objects through a process of intuitive belief or judgment. While logic did not demonstrate intuitive belief, the powerful feeling associated with it was believed to be as convincing as a logical demonstration.(25)

By supporting the validity of sense perception, Reid demonstrated the empirical temperament of his Common Sense philosophy which harmonized well with Baconian science and its method of obtaining objective facts by observation. With empiricism as a common touchstone, many people like Torrey who followed the Baconian method of science became strong supporters of Common Sense philosophy, and vice-versa. Reid's support of Baconian science is clearly evident in the following statement: ". . . 'What can fairly be deduced from facts, duly observed, or sufficiently attested, is genuine and pure.'"(26) The integration of Common Sense philosophy and Baconian science in a mutually supportive way created a world of certainty; the Baconian inductive method claimed that the truths of the world could be discovered through careful observation, while Common sense philosophy attested to the validity of the observations.

The impact of Common Sense philosophy in the United States reached such proportions that from about 1800 to 1875 it dominated higher education.(27) Why a philosophy from across the Atlantic Ocean appealed to nationalistic Americans can best be understood by viewing Common Sense philosophy as an apologetic tool of orthodox Christianity. From its very inception with Thomas Reid, the Scottish philosophy had been used to protect Christianity by combating skepticism. Since collegiate education in America before the Civil War was dominated by church-related colleges,(28) it should not be surprising that these colleges, including Yale, readily accepted and promulgated a philosophy that defended Christianity.

Beyond defending Christianity from skepticism, Common Sense philosophy served as a common ground to bring American Christianity into an alliance with the philosophy's underpinnings in Baconian science. During the first half of the nineteenth century this alliance of religion and science worked to the advantage of Christianity because of the self-imposed limitations of Baconian science. The methodology of Baconian science , with its anti-hypothetical, inductive approach, placed rigorous controls on the use of reason, imagination, and theory while forcing scientists to a strict adherence to facts. A rigid conformance to facts made it difficult, if not impossible, for scientists to criticize the propositions of Christianity.

One religious journal even proclaimed the Bible to be "the supreme existing textbook in inductive method, for its message was framed throughout on a Baconian agenda."(29) In a practical sense the words and facts of the Bible became like the materials of science, just as plants and trees were the materials of science;(30) the miracles and prophecies recorded in the Bible thousands of years ago did not differ essentially from the facts of the natural world. For example, the miracle of the first Easter Sunday became a fact when the followers of Christ encountered the risen Master with their senses in the same way that a present-day lunar eclipse becomes a fact when the event is perceived by a person's senses.(31)

This culture of Baconian science and Common Sense philosophy that dominated the academic landscape at Yale instilled confidence and assurance in students that the natural world and the Christian faith could be comprehended and understood. Inside the classrooms of Professor James Dwight Dana and President Noah Porter, Torrey and his fellow students were taught that the principles of Baconian science and the precepts of the Christian faith were the only true science and the only true religion.

Nevertheless, outside the secure classroom environment of Yale, doubt and uncertainty dominated Torrey's mind. During the latter part of his junior year, the young eighteen-year-old suffered from despair concerning the unworthiness of his life. In an outburst of anguish he tried to commit suicide, but in a last minute bargain with God he promised that he would become a minister if God would relieve a burden from his heart.(32) At that point, he experienced a feeling of peace and certainty that from a traditional evangelical point of view is an indication of a spontaneous and sudden conversion. For Torrey, his conversion experience became an unquestionable fact of his personal life, a reality that he always held to and cherished.

Torrey's mother rejoiced over her son's conversion and decision to become a minister as an indication of her prayers being answered by God. On the other hand, one of Torrey's sisters expressed disbelief that her brother would actually give up his plans to become a lawyer and enter the ministry.(33) Fellow classmates also found it difficult to accept his decision because Torrey continued to live his life as usual. As a fraternity man he indulged in what he would later declare to be the vices of drinking, dancing, and playing cards.

During his senior year, Torrey decided to profess publicly his allegiance to Jesus Christ and become a member of the college church pastored by President Porter. One day Torrey approached the President as they were going to Porter's class in moral philosophy and ethics, and inquired about joining the college church. Without asking doctrinal questions, Porter responded by asking Torrey whether he was certain about his decision to join the church.(34) Torrey responded affirmatively, and within a short time he publicly professed his belief in Christ before the congregation and became a member of the church.

In the spring of 1875, Torrey was graduated from Yale with a B.A. degree, along with sixty-eight fellow classmates.(35) After a summer break, he returned to the college campus and enrolled at Yale seminary. He easily met the two major requirements for admission-membership in an evangelical church and a college education in the liberal arts.(36) Torrey's selection of the Yale seminary was a natural choice because of his general familiarity with Yale and because of the seminary's Congregational heritage corresponding with his own Congregational background.

Founded in 1822 as a department of theology, Yale seminary from the very beginning of its existence encouraged theological debate by challenging Calvinist doctrine and replacing it with the seminary's home-grown New Haven theology or "Taylorism," named after its chief spokesperson Nathaniel Taylor. From the early 1820s to the 1840s Taylor and his colleagues modified Calvinism by shifting away from the traditional belief that human beings are innately sinful to a view of sin being voluntary, resulting from individual moral choices. This insight of the New Haven theology justified the revivalism of the time by supporting revivalism's claim that an individual could choose to do good or evil. During a revival meeting, an individual could freely make a decision to accept salvation or reject salvation.

When Torrey began his theological studies, the theological position of the seminary had drifted away from justifying revivalism to focusing on the of teaching of orthodox doctrine. In classes on the Bible, students were taught that the authorship of the gospel of John had been settled in favor of the traditional view and that attacks upon the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch were unwarranted negativism from hostile critics. Timothy Dwight, Professor of New Testament Criticism and Interpretation, did not engage in the speculation over biblical authorship; he concentrated his energies on achieving a correct biblical text by examining the meaning of the Bible's words in the original languages.(37) This type of microscopic analysis known as "lower criticism" greatly stimulated the study of the Greek and Hebrew languages at Yale, and had significant influence on Torrey, who read the Bible on a daily basis in these ancient languages.

The orthodox flavor of the seminary also extended into the area of systematic theology. Professor Samuel Harris defended Christianity and its miracles by advocating a natural theology of "evidences." One aspect of his natural theology dealt with the validity of the conversion experience by asserting in Common Sense fashion that God was "among the data of experience" that an individual could encounter. Since God was part of experience, then according to Harris, physical and religious knowledge were the same in kind, and only different in their objects.(38)

During Torrey's three years of study at the seminary he took courses which included Hebrew, exegetical study of the Greek New Testament, General Church History, Biblical Theology, American Church History, Sacred Rhetoric and Homiletics, Christian Doctrine and Church Polity.(39) Besides the formal course work, all students had to attend prayer each morning in the seminary chapel and were encouraged to practice Christianity in a City Mission, a Sunday School, or in other benevolent endeavors.(40)

One of the most important stages in the career of a Yale seminarian occurred at the end of the second year of studies with the submission of an application for a license to preach. Following the prescribed timetable, Torrey applied for and was granted a license to preach in the Congregational Church by the Congregational Association of the Western District of New Haven County.(41) Despite having a Congregational license, Torrey delivered his first sermon, which he memorized, in a Methodist church. A memorable event, Torrey later declared: ". . .I tremblingly repeated as much of my little piece as I could remember, and then dropped back into the seat."(42)

During the summer of 1877, Torrey traveled hundreds of miles from New England to the Midwest to practice his preaching skills in the small rural churches of Ohio, and in the process he discovered the state to be a hotbed of prohibitionist activity-perhaps the result of the first two national conventions of the Prohibition Party that had been held at Columbus and Cleveland respectively in 1872 and 1876.(43) In the small village of Mesopotamia, Ohio, Torrey discovered a kind of preaching he had never heard in the chapel of Yale, social action preaching that advocated total abstinence from strong drink. As a social drinker, Torrey did not believe in total abstinence, but in responsible drinking habits; however, when the call went forth for people to sign a pledge to refrain from drinking, Torrey, a young lady, and an old drunkard stood up to sign the pledge.(44) This spur-of-the-moment commitment to abstinence became an important part of Torrey's future thinking on social action, as reflected in his later sermons.

While Torrey gained experience preaching in the Ohio churches, the tragedy of his mother's death on July 15, 1877, forced him to confront death as the greatest challenge of being a minister. Compounding the anguish surrounding his mother's death was his father's death two weeks later on August 3rd. The death of his parents left Torrey devastated and completely on his own at the age of twenty-one, with one year of seminary to complete.(45)

The total inheritance that Torrey received from his father's estate consisted of a pair of cuff links and a leather match box.(46) The meager inheritance can be blamed on the Panic of 1873 that resulted in the loss of his father's fortune, a loss he had not been able to recover. Fortunately for Torrey, the financial obligations for completing seminary were not burdensome. No charges were placed on instruction, room rent, or use of the libraries. The annual session expenses included $4 to $5 per week for board, $15 to $28 for fuel and lights, and $10 a year for care of the room and other incidental expenses.(47)

Torrey's last year in seminary proved to be his most rewarding as he became heavily involved in revival activities on the Yale campus and in the New Haven community sparked by the preaching of the evangelist Dwight L. Moody. Initially, Torrey and a group of fellow seminarians attended Moody's revival meetings to analyze why people were attracted to the famous evangelist, a former shoe salesman, who had no theological training. Instead of remaining objective, Torrey and his friends were captivated by Moody and his message that Christian faith could do anything, a message particularly meaningful to Torrey who still lived with the recent memory of his parents' deaths. With Christian faith came Moody's injunction to "'get to work for the Lord!'"(48) a precept Torrey followed seriously. After receiving Scriptural verses and advice on how to bring people to Christ, Torrey immediately went out and claimed as his first convert a young lady. Other converts followed, and Torrey served for six weeks in the inquiry room of Moody's meetings, helping people to understand the pathway to salvation.

Shortly after the conclusion of the New Haven/Yale revival meetings, Torrey concluded his theological studies at Yale and was graduated from the seminary in 1878 with the B.D. degree. When Torrey left the secure confines of Yale after seven years of study, he entered a world moving away from his beliefs in Baconian science and Common Sense philosophy, a world of Darwinian science, rapid change, and relativity. Not fully aware of these momentous developments, the twenty-two-year-old Torrey began with the enthusiasm and idealism of a young man wanting to bring the people of the world salvation in Christ through the technique of revivalism he had learned from Moody. Through the strong influence of his mother and the fusion of his family background, his personal religious experience, and his grounding in Baconian science and Common Sense philosophy, Torrey had become prepared for a brilliant career as a religious leader in a world increasingly uncertain about itself.

1. Roger Martin, R.A. Torrey: Apostle of Certainty, (Murfreesboro, Tennessee: Sword of the Lord Publishers, 1976), p. 28

2. George T. B. Davis, Torrey and Alexander, The Story of a World-Wide Revival: A Record and Study of the Work and Personality of the Evangelists R. A. Torrey, D.D., and Charles M. Alexander, 2nd ed. (New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1905), p. 19.

3. R. A. Torrey, Autobiographical Notes, sheet "I," p. 1, Moodyanna Collection, Moody Bible Institute, Chicago, Illinois.

4. R. A. Torrey, The Holy Spirit: Who He Is and What He Does and How to Know Him in All the Fulness of His Gracious and Glorious Ministry (New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1927), pp. 36-37.

5. Edith C. Torrey to Mr. Perry, November 14, 1958, Moodyanna Collection, Moody Bible Institute, Chicago, Illinois.

6. Torrey, Autobiographical Notes, sheet "I," p. 1.

7. George S. Merriam, Noah Porter: A Memorial by Friends (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1893), p. 86; Roland H. Bainton, Yale and the Ministry: A History of Education for the Christian Ministry at Yale from the Founding in 1701 (New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1957), p. 168.

8. George Wilson Pierson, Yale College: An Education History, 2 vols. (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1952), 1:59.

9. Ibid., p. 72.

10. Ibid., p. 59.

11. Ibid., p. 70.

12. Ibid., p. 58.

13. Ibid., p. 70.

14. Ibid., pp. 70 & 72.

15. Ibid., pp. 70-71.

16. Noah Porter, Books and Reading; or, What Books Shall I Read and How Shall I Read Them?, 4th ed. (New York: Scribner, Armstrong & Co., 1873), p. 314.

17. William F. Sanford, Jr., "Dana and Darwinism," Journal of the History of Ideas 26 (October-December 1965)):540.

18. Ibid., p. 541.

19. Herbert Hovenkamp, Science and Religion in America, 1800-1860 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1978), pp. 32-33.

20. Theodore Dwight Bozeman, Protestants in an Age of Science: The Baconian Ideal and Antebellum American Religious Thought (Chapel Hill, North Carolina: The University of North Carolina Press, 1977), p. 20.

21. Hovenkamp, Science and Religion in America, p. 144.

22. G. A. Johnston, ed., Selections from the Scottish Philosophy of Common Sense (Chicago: The Open Court Publishing Company, 1915), p. 1.

23. Ibid., p. 3.

24. Ibid., p. 5.

25. Hovenkamp, Science and Religion in America, p. 8

26. Bozeman, Protestants in an Age of Science, p. 14.

27. Harvey Gates Townsend, Philosophical Ideas in the United States (New York: American Book Company, 1934), p. 96.

28. Donald G. Tewksbury, The Founding of American Colleges and Universities before the Civil War, with Particular Reference to the Religious Influences Bearing upon the College Movement (New York: Teachers College, Columbia University, 1932), passim.

29. Bozeman, Protestants in an Age of Science, p. 131.

30. Hovenkamp, Science and Religion in America, p. 61.

31. Bozeman, Protestants in an Age of Science, p. 140.

32. Davis, Torrey and Alexander, pp. 22-23.

33. Martin, Torrey, p. 35.

34. Torrey, Autobiographical Notes, sheet "I," p. 2.

35. Directory of the Living Graduates of Yale University (New Haven, Connecticut: The Tuttle, Morehouse & Taylor Company, 1904), pp. 36-37.

36. Catalogue of the Officers and Students in Yale College with a Statement of the Course of Instruction in the Various Departments, 1875-76 (New Haven, Connecticut: Tuttle, Morehouse & Taylor, Printers, 1875), p. 75.

37. Bainton, Yale and the Ministry, p. 174.

38. Ibid., pp. 171-172.

39. Catalogue of the Officers and Students in Yale College, pp. 75-76.

40. Ibid., p. 77.

41. Martin, Torrey, p. 40.

42. Torrey, The Holy Spirit, p. 37.

43. Roger C. Storms, Partisan Prophets: A History of the Prohibition Party, 1854-1972 (Denver: National Prohibition Foundation, Inc., 1972), p. 7.

44. Davis, Torrey and Alexander, pp. 31-32.

45. Martin, Torrey, p. 41.

46. Davis, Torrey and Alexander, p. 19.

47. Catalogue of the Officers and Students in Yale College, p. 78.

48. Martin, Torrey, p. 42.